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Book. 



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THE COUNTY OF FAYETTE. 



LEXINGTON: 

kENTUCKY GAZETTE PKlNt. 

1845. 



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I regret, fellow-cltizens, that my absence from the county, md my con. 
stant employment since I returned, have heretofore compelled nie to delay 
my reply to the two very scurrilous publications made against me, by the 
Hon. Garrett Davis. The first one was handed me while I was preparing 
for my journey; when, to suspend public opinion until I could obtain the 
documents to defend myself, 1 handed a card to the Editor of the Gazette. 
Not doubting, as that paper had published Mr. Davis' abusive piece 
against me, that the Whig press Avould, in fairness, give my card a place 
in their columns, by which, I presumed, every Whig that read it, would 
not only be convinced of Mr. Davis' unfitness to represent this Distiict 
in Congress, but that he had denied voting with Mr. Adams, in his war 
upon the tenure of negro slavery, untruly ; and that that untruth was es- 
tablished by the journals of Congress. But the proofs I exhibited were 
from record, and too conclusive of the guilt of their candidate, for them 
to let their Whig readers see them; and hence it has been, that, instead of 
Jetting Mr. Davis' constituents have a full view of his conduct, by reading 
for themselves his votes as they stand on the Journals of Congress, they 
not only refused to publish my statements of his votes, that refer to the 
journals and pages that record them; but, after giving false and garbled 
statements of what my card, and my letter declining to be a candidate, 
contain, they have published the very unfair and abusive reply of Mr. 
Davis to my card, which they have not published. 

'■'' As I shall aim at brevity in this reply, it will be impossible for me to 
expose more than an outline of Mr. Davis' conduct in Congress, and aa 
for the abuse and falsehood of his presses, as I can gain nothing by a contest 
with them, I do not intend to degrade myself by noticing their filthy scur- 
rilities. Mr. Davis, however, whatever equality there may be between 
him and his editors in oiher respects, is your representative, and that places 
what he says — however untrue and scuirilous — upon a different footing, 
and in a different point of view, from a debased press, that is fed and up- 
held by the worst appetites, and generally the worst of a dominant politics,! 
party, that has lavished the public funds upon their press and creatures, 
yntil public credit is tottering to its ruin. No, my countrymen, the condi- 
tion of the country is a fixed fact, and these slandering vermin still feed oa 
you, and while they do, will uphold such reckless men as Garrett Davis. 
And the more profligate the statesman, the more scurrilous the abuse the 
press heaps upon the character and name of every man that attempts to 
purge the country of such corrupt and incompetent rulers. While the 
tax gatherer is on you for triple your former taxes, and labor is robbed of 
its just rewards by the. votes of such public servants as Garrett Davis, in 
giving and granting to their partizans in the East odious monopolies, by 
which they have reduced the value of labor two-thirds in all the planting 
States; while Kentucky is burdened with a debt, that must, like an in- 
vubus, benumb her energies for centuries, these harj)ics, are fed from y04*p 



treasury, or live upon the follies that corrupt statesmen have created among 
the people. Yet such a press can only be put down by public opinion 
acting upon public men, who always degrade or elevate the press of the 
Republic. When the public servants are pure and honest, the press reflects 
their virtues upon the people, and when they are corrupt, the press defends 
their corruptions, or conceals them from the eyes of the people. 

My business is, therefore, with your representative, Mr. Garrett Davis, 
liot with his press. 

In my letter, declining the invitation of the committee of the Demo- 
cra,tic Association of Fayette county to become a candidate for the State 
Senate, I use the following observations in relation to Mr. Davis, viz: 

"And while this was, and still is the condition of the slaveholders of 
Fayette — while their wives and daughters were in utter insecurity, and 
murder and violence were almost common occurrences, in this Congres- 
sional District, Mr. Garrett Davis is seen following in the wake of the 
abolitionist, John Q. Adams, in his war upon the institution of slavery. 
The people of Fayette county have only to look at the Journals of the 
last Congress, to see that by and through the vote of their representative, 
the 25th (21st) rule of the House was repealed. That rule prohibited 
the discussion, recording and printing of the petitions of Abolition advocates 
at public expense, and thereby not only saved the country from the expen- 
diture of immense sums, but saved it from being deluged with emancipa- 
tion papers and documents, and yet Mr. Davis has assisted Mr. Adams to 
break down this barrier between the slaveholder and the Abolitionist," &c, 

I extract this much of that paper, it being all that Mr. Davis publishes 
in his handbill. Now, it will be seen that in this extract, I do not state 
that Mr. Davis did 'vote at the last Session of Congress to repeal the 
Rule, nor do I state any particular session when he did so vote. But I 
charge that he did so rote, and that the people of Fayette have only to 
look at the last Journals of Congress to see that they have lost the 21st 
Rule, " hy aiid through the vote of their representative." I state that he 
"is seen in the wake" of Mr. Adams, following him in his "war upon 
negro slavery.'' and that he has assisted Mr. Adams to break down that 
barrier between the slaveholder and the people. I do not say, when he 
i,s seen following in Adams' wake — when he voted, nor when he assisted 
Mr. Adams to break down the 21st Rule — but I do say, that he did vote 
to destroy the Rule — that he followed in the wake of Mr. Adams and as- 
sisted him to destroy the Rule — that the Rule is repealed, and that the 
the people of Fayette have only to look at the Journals of the last Con- 
gress to see that they have lost the Rule, hy and through the vote of their 
representative. Every reader of newspapers knows that Adams' war 
upon the Rule had been of several years' duration, even from its date un- 
til its final destruction. And, of course, when I said Mr. Davis had fol- 
lowed in his wake in his war on the Rule, and had assisted him to destroy 
it — that 1 referred to his (Adams') entire movement, and his (Davis') en- 
tire assistance in that movement. But he and his press, instead of con- 
fining themselves to the charge as made, must manufacture a statement for 
me, making me saj' — that Mr. Davis voted to repeal the Rule last session, 



when the very extract before them detected the fabrication. And by thus 
distorting my meaning, and making me say Avhat I did not say— have 
sought to avoid the real charge against Mr. Davis made by me, and to mask, 
their stratagem, by filth and abuse of me, for saying what I did not say, 
and exhibiting Mr. Davis' sirigle vote of the last Session, taking good 
care to avoid saying one word in answer to my charging that he had voted 
with Adams, and assisted him to destroy the Rule. And when I gave his 
votes of record to sustain the charge, his Reporter man says, "Wickliffe 
said Mr. Davis voted to repeal the Rule last session," — and these votes 
were given at another session. And Davis says, "I gave the votes, but 1 
was only joking. They did not contain my real sentiments. I was only, 
by thus voting to suspend the operation of the Rule, setting a trap to 
catch some fast and loose Democrats, and therefore, / am slandered." — 
Very well, Mr. Davis, now to the proof. 

Reader, bear in mind that this Rule Avass passed, and went into opera- 
tion at the session of Congress 1839-'40, immediately after the nomina- 
tion of General Harrison for President, and before the result of his elec- 
tion was known, and before the election of the Abohtion ticket for Fay- 
ette to the House of Representatives, headed by Cassius .M. Clay, in the 
month of August of the latter year, and hence Mr. Davis goes back to 
January of that year to hunt up his vote in favor of the Rule. Up to that 
time there had been no passes between the newly created faction called 
Whigs and the Abolitionists for an union against the Democrats. But the 
Abolitionists stood upon their own ground — supported in their war upon 
negro slavery by the money and favor of Great Britain — for, although 
there had been established for many years a regular Abolition Society in 
Lexington, it had ceased to be active, and the county and country had not /^ 
been agitated with the operation of the slave question from '30-31, until 
after the nomination of General Harrison, and the approval of the nomi« 
nation by a caucus of the opposition to Van Buren's administration, com- 
posed of members of the Legislature, of which it was my misfortune to 
have been an active member. For my sole reason for being concerned 
in the caucus was by the approval of the nomination to put down what I 
considered a slander on Mr. Clay, that was, that he was not disposed to 
sustain the nomination, and was stirring up an opposition among his Iriends, 
particularly in the cky of Lexington. This was not only circulated, as 
J understood in Frankfort, by Mr. Clay's political opponents, but that a 
connexion of his, then a member, it was said had used expressions of 
dissatisfaction, and given it as his opinion, that the nomination would not 
be supported by Mr. Clay's friends generally in and about Lexington; 
and, 1 think, a print published in Louisville by Mr. Penn, took notice of 
the probable defection. I considered the report untrue, as it regarded Mr. 
Clay, and thought myself bound as his neighbor, rejiresentative and friend, 
to take some step to counteract it; and on the day on which, I think, the 
paper containing the statement was shown me, I, in confidence, conferred 
with Mr. Hanson, the Speaker of the Senate, whom I then thought, and still 
believe to be among Mr. Clay's oldest and most disinterested friends, who 
concurred with me that a caucus was the best remedy, which he promised 



lo have brought about immediately. This he did, and my resolutions appro- 
ving of Harrison's nomination were passed. After the caucus had approved 
the nomination, and, as I believed, put a stop to the injurious reports as lo 
Mr. Clay about the Capitol, that he, Mr. Clay, and his friends, Avould not 
support the nomination of Gen. Harrison — my son called on me at my 
room, as I then thought, on his way to Louisville. I asked him if there 
was any truth in the reports that the friends of Mr. Clay were dissatisfied 
at the nomination of Harrison, He replied that he heard of some of them 
expressmg themselves against the nomination, but had no knowledge of 
any of them doing so, himself. I told him what we had done, and stated 
that Mr. Clay's friends at Lexington owed it to him, in his absence, to 
put a stop to the reports, by doing as his friends at Frankfort had done. I 
think I held no farther conversation with him, and had no expectation of 
his returning to Lexington. Nor did I know that he had not gone to 
Louisville, until I received information that he had attempted to have the 
nomination of Harrison approved in Lexington, and had brought upon 
himself an opposition from some of the citizens of Lexington, a part of 
whom were Mr. Clay's relations, but that the approval had passed. Not 
doubting that Mr. Clay would cordially concur in what was done, and 
believing that I had performed for him an act of kindness in closing the 
mouths of imprudent friends, as I should have expected him to do for me, 
under like circumstances, I paid no farther attention to what his professed) 
or exclusive friends thought proper to say or do in the business. But, on 
my return home, T soon learned from various souices, that a combination 
■was formed to destroy my influence and standing as a Senator, on account 
of the parti had taken in the approval of the nomination of Gen. Harrl- 
son; and that a ticket was to be formed to exclude my son from a seat in the 
Legislature, and that as a basis of their attack, they were to take the ground 
against me, that 1 was opposed to the negro law of 1833, and had as a 
Senator yoted to modify or repeal it — that they expected in their plan of 
attack to unite all the JDemocrats and Abolitionists of the county with the 
warm supporters of Mr. Clay's pretensions to the Presider:cy, and to this 
they were to urge that I had opposed the establishment of Tippecanoe 
Clubs in the caucus, and refused to be a member of such a club. That 
a regular organization was made, and I might prepare for an attack; that 
the party Avould soon bring out a ticket favorable to emancipation under 
the pretence of sustaining the Negro Law. 

My business called me from the county, but, on my return, after an ab' 
sence of ten or twelve days, I saw it announced in a Lexington paper 
that Cassius M. Clay was a candidate, and was shortly duly notified or in- 
vited to attend the Tippecanoe Club, and not obeying the summons, I was 
served with another notice in writing to attend. It is unnecessary for me 
to give here what my indignant replies were to these insults from a body, 
whatever might have been then and now my respect for them as men and 
individuals, I could but detest and despise as a body. However, the work 
of Abolition went on finely. Their ticket wa=: fovm^d arrnin<:t R. Wick- 
liffe, and an abolitionist was found to begin tlie worK by cabling on the 
candidates through the press to answei, whether they were in favor of re- 



pealing or nio^fying the Negro Bill. Cassius M. Clay responded, nrvTfiJr 
ed on the next CouiUy Court day for the candidales to answer the call, i 
attended to hear his speech, so far as to satisfy myself that the organizationf 
of an Abolition party was commenced. In his response to the call, he 
said that he would defend the Negro Law, and that he condemned negro' 
slavery, &:c. &c. The other two candidates, I learned, gave like res- 
ponses, and all three were then offered to the county by the Club as wor- 
thy of election. Wickliffe refused to give the negro pledge, and was, of ^ 
course, proscribed — finally beaten, and the whole Abolition ticket elected. 

From that time to this, with the exception of Wickliffe's election in 
1841, have the Abolitionists ruled and governed the county of Fayette, ^ 
and put up and put down whom they pleased. Their practice is to call 
on some respectable Whig to play chairman for them, to convene Whig- 
gery together on some County Court day, and then to draw up a preamble 
and »"esolutions for the faithful to have passed. And you, the most en- 
lightened population in this State, obey their mandate, and vote as you are 
bidden. Yes, you — the tax-payers — the bone and sinew of the country — 
you slaveholders are made to bend your necks, and wear the yoke whicli 
the Abolition clique has made for you. Wo to one of you that dares rebel 
against the decree of tliesc Jacobins ! If tbey do not apply the steel tO' 
the rebel's neck and sever his head from the body, they bring him to the 
political guillotine, and decapitate him of all his honors, and proscribe 
him as unfit to hold office in State or nation. 

And this club or clique, or both, first under the name of Tippecanoe, 
and then under that of Clay, has, through its members, opened and kept 
up a communication with the Abolition Societies throughout the Union 
from the year 1840 down to the present moment. Space does not admit of 
a full detail of the abominations of this Club and its mates. That I re- 
serve for some future occasion. Suflice it here to say, that they will, in 
the sequel, be proven to have enlisted the services of Mr, Davis, for which 
he enjoyed and still enjoys their especial protection and favor. One gov- 
erning passion of the Abolitionists, that ruled and rule the Clnb, was and 
is to form and have a perfect alliance with the great bodies of Abolitionists 
of the Eastern and Western free States, and one means of effecting this 
coalition was to have a representation from Mr. Clay's old Congressional 
District favorable to their views. The Club, with this object, first selected, 
as their candidate, Henry Clay, jr., but Mr. Marshall chose to run and 
Mr. Clay withdrew. Marshall was elected and entered Congress the 
friend of Henry Clay, but not the favorite or the slave of the Jacobin 
Clubs. And here you will find the true secret, Whigs. He fell under 
their displeasure, and Mr. Davis was made to take his place, and now en- 
joys their smiles and patronage. I shall, therefore, go no farther back 
upon the votes of Mr. Davis than the second Session of the Twenty- 
Seventh Congress, as up to that time Mr. Adams was unquestionably 
against Mr. Clay's election and Clay Clubs, and Mr. Davis seems to have 
voted sometimes with and sometimes against him, until the power and in* 
fluencc of those clubites were brought to bear upon him. But here anew 
scene is opened that tears the veil from his face, and when rightly exam- 



r/^^ y 



y 



ined, will astonish you. my countrymen, as you gaze upon itie awful pre. 
cipice you have escaped, by the election of 1844. 

Mr. Adams, having been defeated in his efforts to repeal, or to get round 
the 21st Rule in his attacks upon negro slavery, during the first session of 
the 27th Congress, as appears from page 272 of the Journals of that Ses- 
sion, presented two petitions — the one from Durham, Massachusetts, 
praying Congress to establish diplomatic relations with the blacks of St. 
Domingo — the other from Haverhill, Massachusetts, praying Congress to 
take immediate measures to peaceably dissolve the Union. 

These petitions were considered an outrage upon the dignity of the 
House, and produced a meeting of the friends of order and the Constitu- 
tion, to consider what course should be taken to inflict the proper punish- 
ment on him for the insult offered to Congress and tlie Nation, in presenting 
a petition to dissolve the Union. A vote of censure was considered, and 
decided to be the necessary and proper punishment and disgrace for the 
•offence, and Thomas F. Marshall was selected to draw up a preamble and 
resolutions, condemning the conduct of Mr. Adams, as a member, for 
presenting to Congress a petition, praying a dissolution of the Union, in 
violation of his duty as a member, and the respect he owed, as such, to 
Congress and the Nation. At the meeting and determination to offer such- 
resolution, I understand Mr. Marshall states, and Mr. Davis admits, he 
•was present and concurred. And I furtker learn that Davis admits that 
he voted with Marshall once or twice in favor of the resolutions of cen- 
sure. But I have not been able to find his vote, in the hasty search I 
^dve made for it in the Journals, until the 27th of January, when it ap- 
pears that Adams brought the Houge to a vote upon his proposition, which 
was, will the House consider of the proposition to censure, when the yeas 
and nays were taken — yeas, 118; nays, 43 — Gairett Davis voting in the 
negative with the abolitionists. Up to this vote, from what I can find on 
the Journals, (as the yeas and nays are repeatedly taken, and his name 
does not appear,) my mind is satisfied that he was dodging. However, 
this vote alarmed Adams. Theretofore he had treated the matter as a light 
affair, but here was a majority of twenty-five votes against him. He had 
during the discussion, tauntingly said to the House of Mr. Marshall: "He," 
pointing to Marshall, "is trying to censure me for attempting the dissolu- 
tion of the Union — let him look to the other end of the Capitol, where his 
friend ox idol,'''' (I do not recollect which, and write from memory, allu- 
ding to Mr. Clay,) "has resolutions depending, that if acted out, will be 
dissolution of themselves." And here at this point, or about it, some 
wizzard work commenced, that poor mortals like myself can only think 
not divine, but Garrett Davis, with other deserters from Marshall to the ab- 
olitionists, may well know. Thus far the defection was not suflicient to 
protect the dehnquent, though Garrett Davis, first and chief among the de- 
serters, is in his wake and at his back. This vote appears on page 82 of 
the Journal. Hero ensued a pause, and time elapsed for the renewal of 
broken friendships — for the burial of many feuds — for tlie coalition of ri- 
val and warring hosts — for my search does not bring me upon the track 
of John Q. and his Utth Squire again until I reach page — , when Mar- 



N 



V ^4v.\^ 



9 

shall and his hosts arc frightened at the desertion, and to avoid defeat Mal- 
lory, at eight minutes past G o'clock, moved that the House adjourn, but 
the motion was voted down — Garrett Davis voting with the abolitionists, 
against adjournment. A second motion is made to adjourn and lost — yeas, 
85; nays, 95 — Garrett Davis voting against adjournment with the abolition- 
ists. A motion is then made to lay the resolution on the table by the 
friends of the resolution of censutc, when Davis votes again with the abo- 
litionists, and against Marshall. For this vote sec page 225. Here Mr. 
Davis is joined by Andrews, Owsley and Underwood, of Kentucky, and 
Stanley, from North Carolina. Havir.g stood alone in the desertion until 
the 28lh of January, the Sijbject was continued over until the 2d of Feb- 
ruary, when Isaac Jones, a Iriend of the resolutions of censure, moved to 
lay them on the table; which motion was overruled — yeas, 89; nays. 111 
— Garrett Davis voting for Adams with the abolitionists. Before the jour- 
nals reached this point, Adams introduced sundry impertinent propositions; 
one calling on the President for the correspondence between the Secretary 
of State and the Minister of Great Britain; and another calling on him for 
the correspondence between the State of South Carolina and the late 
Judge William Johnson, about the act of the Legislature of South Caro- 
lina, directing the imprisonment of persons of color in that State. Mr 
Gilmorc moved to lay Mr. Adams' first resolution on the table, which passed 
in the lugativc — yeas, 89; nays, 107 — Garrett Davis again voting for 
Adams with the abolitionists. See page of the Jonrnal 301. The ques. 
tion was then taken on the passage of the resolution, and it passed in the 
affirmative — yeas, 97; nays, 96— Garrett Davis voting with Mr. Adams 
and the abolitionists. A t'ote was then taken on Mr. Adams's second reso- 
lution, and it passed in the affirmative — yeas. 95; nays 84 — Garrett Davis 
voting in the affirmative with the abolitionists. 

The resolutions of censure were then continued until the 5th of Febru- 
ary, when Mr. Adams moted their continuance until the 17th of Febru- 
ary, on which motion the previous question was moved by Mr. Arnold, 
when Mr. Gwinn, a friend to the resolutions, moved a call of the House, 
■which was passed in the negative— yeas, 82; nays, 98 — Garrett Davis 
again voting with the abolitionists. The resolutions were then continued 

until the 7th of , when Mr. Botts moved to lay them on the table, 

on which Mr. Hopkins moved a call of the House which passed in the 
negative — yeas, 81; nays, 85 — Garrett Davis voting with the abolitionists: 
and on the question recurring on Botls's motion to lay the resolutions on 
the table, it passed in the affirmative; Garrett Davis voting in the affirmative. 

Thus, ray countrymen, ends the prosecution in Congress of this enemy 
of Kentucky and her institutions; and thus have I shown you that, but for 
the desertion and votes of Garrett Davis, John Q. Adams would have 
been condemned and disgraced by a vote of the Representatives of the 
whole people of America, and thereby have been rendered forever thereaf- 
ter, impotent in every evil attempt against Kentucky and the whole South; 
and you would not this day have been depiived of tlie protection which the 
21st rule gave to the owners of slaves throughout the Union. 
HBut if more damning proof of the coalition between J. Q. Adams and 
B 



10 

Garrett Davis, and of a coalition of the leading whrgs with Mr. Adams, as 
the leader and organ of the abolitionists, is wanting, it is to be found in the 
treatment of the Clay party towards Thomas F. Marshall, and their servil- 
ity and devotion to John Q. Adams, Up to this point, Marshall, as the 
most talented of the Clay party, took the lead in all the measores of the 
party, and was considered as their standard bearer. Bot in a few short 
days after the acquittal of Adams — he that had been thcdenounccr of Clay, 
became the standard bearer of the Clay parly. Yes, he that so bitterly 
and scornfully denounced Mr. Clay's resolutions to amend the Constitution, 
by striking down the veto power of the Executive, and the re-eligibility of 
the President — as dissolution of the Union itself, if acted out — not only 
bears the standard of the Clay party, but becomes their organ and introdu- 
ces into the House the very resolutions, and passes them, or the most obnox. 
ioua of them, that he denounced as dissolution of themselves. And it would 
seem that this extraordinary bargain, intrigue and coalition, not only in- 
ducted Mr. Adams with all his Anglo-Federal and Abolition principles, 
into the Clay church; but that Marshall was excommunicated, and doomed 
to perpetual premunire for his contumacious conduct. 

However. I have said Gariett Davis followed in the wake of John Q. 
Adams, and assisted him to break down the 21st rule, that protected the 
slaveholder from the abolitionist, and I must not lose sight of Mr. Davis 
and Mr. Adams; and although I could give the reader many precious scraps 
and votes illustrative of the new era in the affairs of abolitionism and 
whigery, growing out of the union between Mr. Adams and certain whig 
leaders, through the desertion of Davis, time and space confine me to the 
record; and as that is sufficient for my purpose, I will here call the reader's 
attention to the 8th page of the Journal of the second session of the 27th 
Congress, where he will read as followeth: 

"John Q. Adams, in pursuance of notice given yesterday, submitted 
the following resolution: '* 

"Resolved, That the 21st rule of the House, in the following words— 
•*No petition, memorial, resolution, or other paper, praying the abolition 
of slavery in the District of Columbia, or any State or Territory, or tke 
slave trade between the States or Territories of the United States, in 
which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or be entertained in 
anyway whatever" — be, and the same is hereby rescinded." 

A motion was made by Mr. Weller, that the same lie on the table, which 
passed in the negative — yeas, 85; nays, 93. 

On this first vote taken on the subject, Mr. Adams had a majority of 
eight votes — Davis voting against him. His vote added, would make Ad- 
ams' majority ten. The previous question was then demanded by the 
friends of repeal, with a view to carry it while Adams had strength. It 
passed in the negative. But here Davis jumped Jim Crow, joined Mr. 
Adams, and pressed for the vote before the Southern members had all come 
in. See his vote with Adams and the abolitionists on page 10th of the 
Journals. On the next day, Mr. Adams pressed the question, with Mr. 
Davis in his wake, and standing at his back. The friends of the rule 
feeling too weak, again moved to lay the resolution on the table, hoping 



11 

the arrival of members; but it passed in the negative — yeas, 90; nays, 91; 
Garrett Davis voting against the motion of William C. Johnson to lay on 
the table, with John Q. Adams, and against every other member pres- 
ent from Kentucky. It was then decided that the main question be put; 
but before they commenced calling the yeas and nays on the passage of 
Mr. Adams' resolution, the President's message was announced, and the 
vote was staid (or its reading, which postponed the vote until the 8th, when 
nine additional members took their seats. The House resumed the con. 
sideration of Mr. Adam's resolution, but the opposition to the repeal, still 
fearing the repeal, John W. Jones moved to lay the resolution on the table. 
It passed in the negative — yeas, 92; nays 95 — Garrett Davis voting in the 
negative with Adams and his host of abolitionists, against every member 
present from Kentucky. See this vote on page 30. Here Mr. Underwood 
raised a point of order, that the passage of Mr. Adams's resolution was 
subject to, or open for debate. The Speaker over-ruled him, and he ap* 
pealed to the House — Garrett Davis again voting with the abolitionists, 
but now attempting to deny it, because the Journal does not exhibit tbo 
vote on Mr. Underwood's appeal. 

Here the question was again put. Shall the main question be now put? 
and passed in the negative — yeas, 95, nays, 100 — Garrett Davis voting 
with Adams and his abolitionists, against every voting member from Ken- 
tucky. See this vote on page 31. This vote was given on Saturday, and 
the hot hasteof Adams and Davis was to get the vote before Monday, as it 
was expected sundry Southern members would reach the Capitol befor«5 
Monday, which would defeat the passage ofthe motion for the year. Well 
might they fear. On Monday morning, twenty- four additional members 
took their seats, among whom were Jones and Sellers-, from Maryland; 
Carey, from Virginia; Sumpter and Campbell, from South Carolina; An- 
drews and Marshall, from Kentucky; Arnold. Brown, Campbell, Caruth- 
ers, Meredith, Gentry and Williams, from Tennessee, and Thompson, 
from Mississippi. When W. Cost Johnson renewed his motion to lay 
Adams' resolution on the table, which passed in the affirmative, Garrett 
Davis again voted with Adams and the abolitionists, against the vote of 
Thomas F. Marshall, and every voting member from Kentucky — yeas 
106, nays 102. 

I have heretofore laid these votes before the county to establish the bra- 
zen effrontery of Garrett Davis, in charging me with falsehood, in saying 
he followed in the wake of Adams in his war against the 21st Rule. 

But can any thing equal the despicableness of his dirty reply to these re- 
corded proofs of my veracity, and his want of it? He says, true, he gave 
the votes as charged, except that his vote does not appear on the Journals 
upon Mr. Underwood's appeal from the decision of the chair, precluding 
the right of discussion on Adams's resolution to repeal the 21st rule. On 
that vote, he seems to say, I did vote as Mr. W. says I did, but he cannot 
prove it on me from the Journals, and therefore, does not tell the truth, in 
saying that I did vote with Mr. Adams and the abolitionists on Mr. Under- 
wood's proposition to discuss Mr. Adams's resolution. But he says that 
he voted with Mr. Adams to stop debate, that they might go to business.— 



12 

If he voted with this object, does it excuse him? Was time so precious 
that he could not allow the objections to be stated against the movements 
of Adams to liberate the whole slave population of the country? Certain- 
ly not. If it be not true, but an excuse fabricated to deceive you, then 
what say you of Mr. Davis? To piove that it is not true, I again refer 
you to page 11 of the Journal, where W. C. Johnson's motion, to lay Ad- 
ams's repealing resolution on the table, and thereby enable the House to 
go to other business, is overruled by the vote of Garrett Davis alone. — 
The vote for laying on the table being 90, and against it 91, and that one 
Garrett Davis. But he wanted to catch certain, fast and safe voting dem- 
ocrats, who were voting to lay Mr. Adams's resolution on the table, to get 
clear of a direct vote; they denying at home that they were not against ab- 
olition. Now how Mr. Davis could have been betrayed into this precious 
confession, I am at a loss to conceive, unless that conscious guilt will of- 
ten out with the truth in spite of the culprit. Now what is the naked 
truth and plain English of this part of his excuse for voting for the repeal, 
with Adams and the abolitionists? Why, that there were certain democrats 
in Massachusetts, Vermont, Rhode Island, and other Eastern States, that 
were against abolition, and voted to defeat Adams in his war upon the 21st 
rule, by keeping off a direct vote upon it, who owed their seats to aboli- 
tion votes at home, that dare not vote against Adams's repealing resolution 
upon a director final vote; and believing this, he, with a view to ruin them 
at home, or force them to vote against their conscience, with himself and 
Adams, voted with Adams and the abolitionists, to force the final and di- 
rect vote. 

That this was a part of his reasons, I am willing to admit, and I call 
upon you, and upoa every friend to the country to condemn him for it. 
To ruin our friends in the East by forcing them to vote — when if they 
voted for the slaveholder, they were inevitably ruined — is, my country- 
men, avowed by your representative as his object in voting as he did. It 
is a plain admission that he, to strengthen Adams and the Abolitionists 
in the East, was willing to ruin you, and the whole planting interest in 
the South. No wonder that our Eastern friends at last left us, or were 
broken down, and abolitionists substituted for them at home, when your 
representative Davie, that represented nearly half of the slaves in the 
State, leagued with the Abolitionist, John Q. Adams, to break them down 
in their respective States, for voting to protect the South — to protect you. 

But I have shown that he had additional reasons for pressing the final 
vote. He knew, and the final vote taken proves the fact beyond a doubt, 
if he could get the vote before the Southern members arrived, that Adams 
would certainly carry the repeal, without his vote; and had it been before 
Monday, he might, and would no doubt, as he did last session, to deceive 
you, have slipt his bridle, and given his vote against Adams, knowing that 
the resolution to rescind would pass without it. But after the arrival on 
Monday of Marshall, and the other Southern members, it was too doubtful 
for him to trust a dodaje, and he adhered to the last to the Abolitionists 
and Adams. But on that vote the Abolitionists were defeated — Adams 



13 

and Davis slicking together like tiie Siamese Twins— dying by a close 
vote of 106 yeab- to 102 nays, 

I think, my countrymen, that I have holed this coon, and might stop 
latiguing you, with tracking him any farther, but, Peter-like. he denies his 
Lord and Master, and I must, therefore, pursue him a little farther. 

It must be in the memory of all, that John Quincy Adams, by way of 
insulting Congress and the planting States, attempted to foice upon Con- 
gress, the petitions of free negroes, and slaves against emancipation— con- 
tending that the 21st Rule only prevented him from offering petitions in 
favor of emancipation, and to thus annoy Congress and the slaveholders, 
on the 22nd of February, 1843, moved the House to suspend the Rules, 
that he might present to the House petitions from citizens of Massachusetts, 
which did not come within the exclusion of the 21st Rule of the House, 
and the question being put it passed in the negative, yeas 80— nays 106 — 
Garrett Davis voting with Adams and the Abolitionists. See page 430 of 
the Journals of the 27th Congress. 

Again, on the 20th of February, John Q. Adams moved to suspend 
the rules of the House, that he might present the petition of 51,862 citi- 
zens of the State of Massachusetts, praying an amendment of the Con- 
stitution, so as to exonerate the citizens of that State from all obligations 
on that State to aid in maintaining the institution of slavery. To defeat 
this motion, Mr. Weller, at twenty-five minutes before 4 o'clock, moved 
an adjournment — it passed, yeas 88 — nays 76 — Garrett Davis voting with 
Adams and his Abolitionists, against adjournment. Again, on the 2nd of 
March, John Q. Adams offered sundry resolutions as a substitute for those 
offered by Mr. Johnson, in substance declaring, that, if any State, in con. 
sequence of her repudiating her debts, due to foreigners, involved herself 
in war with any foreign power, that Congress has no power to involve the 
other States in war for her; and that, in the event of such a war — that the 
State so involved will cease thereby to be a State of this Union. These 
resolutions were, in principle, the same as he offered for a diiect dissolu- 
tion of the Union, on account of his failing to be allowed to keep up a 
contest with the South about their negroes. But the spirit of the House 
had been broken down in his triumphant acquittal, by the votes of your 
representative, Garrett Davis, and none were found bold enough to again 
beard the daiing abolitionist and dissolutionist, and he demanded that the 
House, at the expense of the nation, should print his resolutions, and that 
question was put — Garrett Davis again voting with Adams and the Aboli- 
tionists. 

May I not now ask whom did the little gentleman (!) intend by these 
last votes to catch? My countryraeri, here was first a proposition made by 
Mr. Adams that Congress take steps to dissolve the Union, and Mr. Davis, 
as I have shown, suppoiis und dL-fciidi Lim, and brings him triumphantly 
out victor over Marshall, and the entire anti-abolition vote of the House. 
He now offers a set of resolutions to effect the dissolution of the Union iri- 
directly, by getting Congress to invite Great Britain to make war upon Mi- 
chigan, niinois, Indiana, and the other States, where, by the imprudence 
of Whig rulers, the people are already or may hereafter be unable to re 



14 

pay the millions that have been borrowed and wasted by reckless power, 
and that olten against the remonstrances of the people of those States — 
cruel and merciless war! And, as a further inducement to England to 
make said war, he proposes to commit Congress by a vote, that the Gen- 
eral Government cannot constitutionally protect such States as England 
may declare war against — and to certainly effect a dissolution of the 
Union, to declare that the moment such war is waged, the state involved 
would cease to be one of the States of the Union! A more black-hearted 
and hellish scheme to dissolve these United States was never conceived of, 
much less proposed before; and yet he la sustained in his motion by Gar- 
rett Davis, your representative. 

Thus much, my friends, for Garrett Davis, and the desertions of Mr. 
Clay's other friends to Adams and Abolition in his movement against your 
slave property. I have given you only the out- works and lines of the 
courtship between Garrett Davis on the part of Whiggery, and John Q. 
Adams on the part of Abolitionism. 

But Abolition demanded her dowry to be provided, before she submitted 
to consummation. Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut were 
owners of nineteen twentieths of the whole trade in tea and coffee, biought 
from beyond the Cape of Good Hope. This trade costs the U. States 
nearly two millions annually, besides the waste of life among our seamen 
engaged in it. Teas and coffee, however, must be exempted from duty, and 
be free to those States, at a loss to the Treasury of more than two mil- 
lions of dollars annually, and this deficit must be made up by the labor 
and^ sweat of the South — and these States, manufacturing three-fourths 
of the calicoes and cottons that are manufactured in the United States to 
clothe labor. All importations of coarse cottons and linens from foreign 
States must be prohibited, by inserting a clause in the Revenue Bill, that 
all cotton cloth, that costs less than 20 cents, shall be taxed as if it had 
cost 20 cents, though the average cost of such foreign cottons should be 
less than four cents the square yard; and that all calicoes, or stained cot- 
tons, costing less than 25 cents, though its cost shall be less than 5 cents 
the square yard, shall be tariffed at 25 cents the square yard. This monop- 
oly was worth at least 20 millions annually to the coarse cotton manufac- 
turers, and robbed the Treasury of from three to four millions annually- 
all of which is taken from the labor of the United States, and the greater 
part of the monopoly is borne by the labor of the South. 

This, however, and more, does Whiggery settle upon Abolitionism, so 
that Adams and his Abolition phalanx returned to New England to tell 
them — down with the Democrats! They are Northern men, with South- 
ern feelings — they have voted with slaveholders to protect them in their 
inhuman possessions! We, the Abolitionists, by joinmg with the Clayites, 
have saved to New England two millions annually, by striking out the 
tax upon teas and coffee; and we have, by our monopoly upon coarse cot- 
ton and coarse linens that cover labor, given to manufacturers of cottons, 
a bounty equal to twenty millions annually. Join with us, and we will 
elect Clay for President, and these monopolies will be to us and ours for- 
ever. Armed with those powerful arguments against the enemies of Abol- 



15 

ition in the States of Massachusetts, Vermont, Connecticut, and Rhode 
Island, Abolitionists, whether they be Whigs or Democrats, were generally 
returned froqi New England at the next election. And hence the repeal 
of the 21st Rule, and the frightful condition of the whole South, and that 
of Kentucky in particular. 

Thus have I shown you, my countrymen, that the Rule was repealed by 
an union of the Clayites with the Abolitionists, and thus have I showo 
to you, from the records of the Congress of the Unitf^d States, that Garrett 
Davis was the first deserter from the Southern interests to Adams, and the 
principal cause of the repeal of the 21st Rule. 

Now, mark what follows: The Clay Club at Lexington, that then and 
now rule the destiny of the State, caused the Legislature of Kentucky 
to lay off the Congressional districts, so as to strike the county of Clarke 
out of Marshall's District, and to connect it with the county of Greenup, 
at the mouth of the Great Sandy; and to bring into the district their faith- 
lul and obedient servant, Garrett Davis, added the county of Bourbon to 
this district — whom they ordered the voters of the district, in 1843 to vote 
for, and a majority of them obeyed. They have renewed their orders to 
you to elect him in 1845. I admit that none but the brave and the free 
dare disobey this order. The time was, when old Fayette, warned by the 
voice of the immortal Nicholas, put down Abolition: And. if the same 
men, that lived then, could breathe the breath of life once more — once 
more Fayette would be redeemed. No impudent clubs ruled the states- 
men of that day — or dared to order the Freemen of Fayette to vote for 
club slaves and minions to make laws to govern freemen. My country- 
men, it is not so now. Twice or thrice has this abolition club ordered 
the election of the salaried President of the Bank of Kentucky, and a 
majority has obeyed. When this officer entered the Legislature — the 
State owned one million of the capital stock of the Northern Bank of 
Kentucky, and nearly two millions of the capital stock of the Bank of 
Kentucky, on bonds bearing five per cent, which stock yielded her at the 
rate of two per cent, after paying the five per cent — the Banks yielding a 
dividend of seven per cent, leaving to the State two per cent., which, on 
a million of dollars is twenty thousand dollars from the Northern, and 
something less than four thousand from the Bank of Kentucky. This two 
per cent was allowed in place of a bonus for the charter, paid in money; 
no other bi)nus was given or promised, owing to the levies feared, and 
perhaps some minor arrangements. 

The whole amount of two per cent, per annum, would not have been 
due, but as well as I remember, during the membership of Robert S. Todd, 
the salaried President of the Branch Bank of Kentucky, at Lexington, 
bargains were struck between the Northern Bank and the Bank of Ken- 
tucky with the Legislature, by which the State gave up the whole, or the 
greater part of this twenty thousand dollars, to the Northern Bank forever, 
and most of that due from the Bank of Kentucky. I do not perfectly un- 
derstand these bargainings, but am informed that the consideration the 
Northeru Bank paid to be released from her bonus was, that the State gave 
her the privilege of sending commissioners from her banking house into 



16 

certain Congressional districts, to effect loans of their unemployed capital, 
on which they make.a clear profit of about seventy thousand, under a pre- 
tence of relieving debtors. 

What the Bank of Kentucky gave I know not. But both her and the 
Northern Bank ought to have paid a premium for the privileges conferred, 
if I am a judge, and not greatly misinformed. One thing all repoits agiee 
in. and that is, that a very considerable sum, once paid for the bonuses, 
annually into the treasury, is forever gone into the pockets of the private 
stockholders. I make no charges of want of integrity in either the Banks 
or your representative. But do you think that the Abolition Club, going 
under the name of the Clay Club, deals fairly with you, in demanding of 
you that you shall make a President of one of your State Banks, Senator 
to make bargains with the Banks for the State for the next four years? 
Recollect that Mr. Todd had two principals to act for, and will still have 
two. The bargains were, 1 presume, in part, made between Robert Todd, 
agent and attorney in-fact for the Bank of Kentucky, and Robert Todd, 
agent and attorney in fact for the Commonwealth. The State paid their 
arbitrator, or agent, say one hundred dollars per annum, and the Bank 
paid the same individual, say five or seven hundred dollars per annum. 
Mr. Todd is, no doubt, a very honest man, and I am sure he ought to be 
so to make a fair and equal bargain for two clients that paid so unequally. 
You have before you, fellow-citizens, Mr. Moore, a Whig — a farmer, a 
patriot, a soldier, and the son of a soldier and patriot — but this Club or- 
ders him to stand back, and presents you again R. S. Todd, the sallaried 
President of the Kentucky Branch Bank, and orders you to vote for him. 
What does this mean? T will tell you, my countrymen. These arch in- 
triguers want the power of the money of the county to aid in destroying its 
liberty, by securing the Senatorship in Mr. Todd. They grasp hold of 
the Five Millions Bank of Kentucky, by which they expect to terrify the 
trembling debtor against voting independently. They know that the 
Branch Bank, over which Mr. Todd presides, has a debtor list little short 
of two millions of dollars, and that much of that is due from the voters of 
Fayette county, and they believe that merchants and mechanics, and other 
debtors of the Bank, or that have business with the Bank, will not dare to 
march up to the polls, and in the face of the President, record a vote 
against him. 

This Club already commands the revenues of the city, and gives laws 
and salaries by Trustees, a majority of whom they elect, and several of 
whom belong to the Club. They have also the command of the funds of 
the Lunatic Asylum. And they mean to keep these funds, and the influ- 
ence of the money of the Bank, united in their hands, that they may com- 
mand and control you in the exercise of your right of sufTrage. This is what 
they mean to accomplish, freemen of Fayette: Instead of having an inde- 
pendent farmer to represent the freemen of the county, they intend to secure 
the senatorship for the use of the Clubs and the Banks, These Clubs, 
in their origin, when denounced by others, as well as myself, as dangerous 
engines of corruption and fraud, and enemies to civil liberty, assured the 
country that they were very harmless, only temporary organizations to 



^lect iMr. Clay to the Presidency, yet, five years liavc they rcigncd and 
ruined the State, and now they declare themselves perpetual. And pray, 
-what is their business? Why, to divide society, that ihey may rule it— to 
set father against the son, brother against brother, and neighbor against 
neighbor, that they and their minions may feed upon the labors of others, 
through the offices of the country. By the divisions and broils they cre- 
ate, they hope to rule. A k\v years since, and the great people chose 
■whom they pleased to represent them. The youth relied on his morals lo 
rise, and the man of years upon the good opinion of his fellow citizens. — 
But now, if the candidate expect to be elected, he must scrape and bow, 
and lick the spittle of the leading clubite.s. 

Freemen, how long will you, can you bear this? Has your love of free- 
dom and independence passed to the grave with your fathers? Have you 
smothered in your bosoms the recollection, that this is the land cf freedom, 
bequeathed you by the bloody strifes of another age? If not, then why 
not rise in the majesty of your power, and sweep ofi' these sweat flies — theso 
clubites, that, spider-like, are trying to envelope you in their entangling 
■web, from whence there is no escape? Break down their nominations and 
elect freemen, as freemen should do. 

What I say with regard to the choice of representative?, applies with 
greater force to the choice of a member of Congress. Do you, in the 
election of .Mr. Davis, elect a freeman? Surely not. He would sooner 
dare seize the forked lightning, than in thought, word or deed, offend the 
dignity or disobey the mandates of the club. That club, recollect, has for 
its President, the great beneficiary of the Bankrupt Bill — that, to him, has 
been a windfall of tens of thousands, besides what it has done for others, 
members of his family. Mr. Davis, by his vote for the Bankrupt Bill, 
made the fortune of that individual, while he plunged hundreds of the best 
men of the land into poverty and utter ruin, besides placing the liberty, 
property and sacred character of the people of the State in the hands of 
the District Judge of the Federal Coun; hence, the ties are indissoluble 
between this club and your representative. \ ou will find the passage of 
this bill, dated August 18th, 1841, at page .379, of the Journals of that 
Session, and the Kentucky vote to stand for the bill, Garrett Davis, 1. — 
Opposed to the bill, Andrews, Boyd, Butler, T. F. Marshall, Pope, Sprigg, 
Thompson, Triplett and Underwood, 9. 

Having shown you, my whig friends, that Garrett Davis was the first 
deserter from Kentucky, to the abolitionists, and that he stood alone, bat- 
tling with John Q. Adams and the whole abolition phalan.\, against bi.s 
colleagues from Kentucky, in the cause of abolition. Now I have shown 
you, that he stood alone, against Kentucky and all of her representative.';, 
battling with the abolitionists for the Bankrupt Bill — a bill that enabled 
rogues to defraud their creditors of their just debts, and placed it in the 
power of the District Judges of the United States, to appoint their sons, 
brothers and favorites, assignees of whole Districts and States, by which 
the property, character and liberty of the people, of the United States were 
taken from under the protection of the laws of the States, and placed un- 
der the power, and made subject to the tyranny '.'ppre?.ston and arbitrary 
C 



18 



■will of such Judges. I have clone more. I have said that by such law-, 
he has made the fortune of the President of the Clay Club, besides giving 
large shares of the spoils made of the honest trader and merchant's labor, 
and the millions plundered from creditors, by fraudulent debtors, to his as- 
sociate clubites, for which, and other evidences of his obedience to the will 
and dictation of the club, he was brought into this District, and according 
to order, you have made him your representative in Congress. 

When this has been your subserviency to the mandates of these clubites, 
are you astonished that the abolitionists have located in your city, and in 
the other cities and towns of the country, their Miss Webslers and the Rev. 
Mr. Fairbanks, to seduce your slave? to desert you? Are you astonished 
that they have a press in Frankfort and Louisville, devoted to their cause, 
and while they profess to defend your property, are stimulating the aboli- 
tionists every where to action and energy against you? Are you surprised 
that these clubites have established, openly and avowedly, an abolition 
press within your good City of Lexington, that bids defiance to you, and is 
scattering its sheets throughout the length and breadth of the land, pro- 
claiming freedom to your slaves? And are you surprised, that while this 
is your condition, these clubites have, since 1833, saddled you with a per- 
manent debt of seven millions of dollars, of which, at least four millions is 
bearing interest, and that they now propose to divest the country, by set- 
ting the slaves free, of seventy millions of taxable property, and at least 
three fourths of its productive labor? If these things are permitted — aye, 
{sustained by you, what can you expect, but that your slaves will rob you, 
run off from you, and murder you by poisoning and lying in wait? W hat 
can you expect, but that they will waste the substance of the country, by 
burning up towns, cities and factories? Treat this not as a vision, for you 
will find it history in the end. Yes, rely on jt, the gallows Avill be but a 
poor security against the war, bloodshed and arsons which this press will 
stimulate your slaves to commit. 

You here ask me for the remedy. I tell you noAV what 1 told you in 
I8i0— the ballot box. Had these clubs have gained the election of Pres- 
ident in 1844, you would have had no relief but blood and war, or sub- 
mission to be plundered, murdered, or driven from the country, through 
the abolitionists. But they have failed, and the power is still left you to 
reform every abuse, by a firm, decided and patriotic course. 

The acquisition of Texas, and the admission into the Union of Florida, 
as slave States, will go far to relieve this country from the degraded condi- 
tion into which these clubs, and such men as Mr. Davis have plunged her. 
But ao-ainst these measures the abolitionists have two rehances, The first 
is, tha°t they will bring on a war by England and Mexico, through which 
they will supplant the Democratic Administration with an abolition party. 
The second is, that they will be able at the next Congress to prevent Tex- 
as and Florida from coming into the Union as slave States. Davis is 
openly and avowedly with them upon the admission of Texas. He is one 
of those gentlemen who cried shame upon President Tyler for P^su^mmg 
to annex Texas by treaty— that it belonged to the Congress oi the United 
States, the representatives of the people, not a President and Senate to 



annex Toxns; and by sucli nieans, and foul abuse of Uiat good and great 
man, John Tyler, prevented annexation by treaty. Tlie people then took 
it up, and by their votes, hurled from power, the enemies of annexation. 
And Congress, according to Mr. Davis's own plan, and the other enemies 
to annexation, have voted annexation. And now Mr. Daviscries, horrible! 
Annex Texas by an act of Congress! It is unconstitutional; the act will 
be dissolution itself, and void, and I go my death against it. Here Mr. 
Davis is with the liberty parly. Eveiy abolitionist, East, West, North and 
South in this Union are against the annexation of Texas, because it gives 
security to the slaveholder; and many are for bloody war against their 
country if it is not defeated! Mexico (!) threatens war; England threat- 
ens war; and the abolitionists threaten war and dissolution if Texas is an- 
nexed! 

And will you, my countrymen, and once constituents, cast your votes 
for the minion of abolitionism — for the enemy of annexation? Will you, 
ia the face of the world, perform the felo de se act of voting to weaken the 
hands of the General Government, at this crisis in your country, by send- 
ing Garrett Davis to Congress? Will you thus invite the myrmidons of 
England to make foreign war upon your country, and the emissaries and 
pensioners of England to stir up servile war and dissolution within the 
States? In other words, will you save yourselves, your property and insti- 
tutions, or surrender all at discretion, to the abolitionists? 

Tile negro thieves in the free States have been protected by the Govern- 
ors and civil authorities of such States — are now not only insufferable, but 
evidently on the increase. This calls for additional legislation, with ap- 
propriate sanctions by Congress? The British are not only claiming Ore- 
gon, but preparing to force their claims at the mouth of the cannon. 

In these questions you, my fellow citizens, your country and children 
have deep and abiding interests. Marshall is, heart and soul, with you in 
these great interests. You all know his powers, and you all feel that he is 
with you, and that as far as Congress can go to protect you against aboli- 
tion, he will urge Congress to go. That nerved with justice and truth, and 
sustained by every cheering hope of perpetual union of the States, and 
security against the hireling and prostituted pensioners of Europe, he will 
apply his powerful mind and eloquence, in defence of the annexation of 
Texas; of the admission of Texas and Florida into the Union asslaveholding 
States. With such a representative, sustained by a patriotic President and 
Congress, you will have Florida, Iowa, Texas and Wisconsin added to the 
Union, you will have no foreign nor intestine war — the abolition press 
will die in disgrace, and negro thieves will meet the fate of common rogues; 
and then, and not till then, you may again sit down in your quieted 
homes, and there shall be none able to make you afraid. But if you 
elect Davis, what do you promise yourselves? If he had the will he has 
not the talents to serve you in these mighty interests. But you know he 
lias not the will. You know that he has voted with the abolitionists to 
breakdown the 21st rule. I have proven that to you in black and white, 
taken from his recorded votes; and you know that his real opposition to 
Texas is, that it will give strength to the Union, and defeat the British in 



20 

their sclianies to destroy the growing (^i cotton, and the growth oC sugar 
cane and manufacture of sugar in America, by the emancipation of your 
slaves. And that annexation wil] do more. It will use up the abolition 
press of Kentucky, and sink the abolition cause into utter disgrace. And 
still will you vote for him, because he is the pet and obsequious instrument 
of the clubites. Elect Marshall, and you strike dumb the negro press of 
Lexington, Frankfort and Louisville. Reject Davis, and you break the 
principal link that binds together the abolitionists of Boston, and the abo- 
lition cliques of Lexington, Frankfort and Louisville, and give a pledge to 
the other counties of the State, that you have commenced the work of re- 
form, and will follow it up, until every faithless and corrupt public servant 
is reformed out of office. 

And now, fellow citizens, having placed good and evil before you, I 
have done my duty. It remains for me to say, that you alone can save 
yourselves — 'hat it remains to be seen whether you will look to your own, 
your children's, and the high destiny of your count'y, in the votes you will 
hereafter give, between your country and the anglo-abolitionists, or take 
counsel from the abolition cliques that now rule and ruin the County and 
State. 

In speaking of the corruption of the clubs, I speak of them as being 
formed for the ruin of our institutions, and the right of free suflfrage, and 
of the leaders and contrivers of them, with a view to aid the cause of 
abolition, and the destruction of the liberties of the country. And when 
I speak of the evils of whigery, I mean acts of the leaders in the combi- 
nations which have been formed of the British party, the negro party, and 
other factions and parties under the cognomen of the whig party. I speak 
of those who have made my old political conservative friends destructives — 
who have bound them by party ties with the corruptionists, and made them 
supporters of Bankrupt Laws — laws violating the sacred rights of con- 
tracts — who have made them constitutional tinkeis, and to vote to break 
down the checks and ballanceb of the National Government — who have 
made them consort with their deadliest domestic enemy, the abolitionists, 
in clubs, and to expend their substance in contributions of money and 
property to corrupt the presses of the country, and to control and put down 
the free suffrage of the people. 

I thank God that I believe that a large majority of the great whig party 
are honest and patiiotic. and that many — very many of tlie deluded club- 
ites believe they are right; but that they have been seduced by the serpent 
of abolition and disunion, to exchange their original name of Democrat, 
for that of whig, to denounce democracy — a name they and their father 
once proudly bore, and under w'hich this Nation has attained a strength and 
glory, that make the people of America the happiest Nation on earth, and 
our Government the envied of every tyranny in Christendom. 

It was under the endearing name of democracy, that you and your fa- 
thers hurled the elder Adams and hi'=; British partizans from power in 1800, 
and under that name I trust you will again rally and conquer all foreign 
and domestic enemies to our institutions, and the rights of free suffrage. 
Your Fellow Citizen, ROBERT WICKLIFFE. 



Note. — January 11, 1844 — Page 207 of the Journals. — Mr. Camp- 
bell, from the commUtee on the District of Columbia, reported that the 
petition of the citizens of Lock port. New York, was, in the unanimous 
opinion of the committee, prohibited by the 25th Rule of the House, and 
offered the following resolution, viz: 

^'Resolved, That the Clerk be directed to return the petition above re- 
ferred to, to the gentleman presenting it.'' 

On this resolution, the yeas were 116, and 60 against it — Garrett Davis 
voting against the resolution with Adams and the abolitionists. 

John Q. Adams, on the 18th of December, 1843, page 62 of the Jour- 
nal, offered the petition of James B. Cooper and others, inhabitants of 
New York, desiring to free their State and themselves from domestic slave- 
ry, &.C. &c. On the 20th of December, Cave Johnson moved that the 
said petition be not received, and Mr, Thompson moved to lay that motion 
on the table, which was passed — yeas, 97; nay.s, 80 — Gariett Davis voting 
to lay the motion on the table. 

December 22, 1843, page 93 of the Journals, John Q. Adams offered 
the resolutions of the Legislatuie of Massachusetts, requesting the Consti- 
tution of the United States to be amended, so as to deprive the slave popu- 
lation of a representation in Congress, as is now piovided, and demanded 
a select committee, &c., and was about to debate the question of refer- 
ence, out of order. On motion that he have leave to debace, Garrett Da. 
vis voted for the leave with the abolitionists. A motion was then made, 
that the notorious Giddinge should have the rules suspended, that he might 
debate the same question, Garrett Davis voted to suspend with the aboli. 
tionists. 

On page 118, of the Journals, December 26, 1843, John Q. Adams 
presented the petition of citizens ol Woodstock, Connecticut, praying 
Congress to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the District of Colum- 
bia, and all the States and Territories; and that neither Florida nor any 
other new State, be admitted into the Union, whose Constitution tolerated 
slavery. The chair decided the petition out of order, being prohibited by 
the 25lh (21st) Rule. From this decision Adams appealed — Garrett Da- 
vis voting with the abolitionists to over-rule the decision of the chair. — 
See this vote on page 119 of the Journals. 

On the 5th of January, 1844, Edward J. Black moved to amend the 
motion to re-commit, by inserting that the committee report the 25th rule, 
as it now stands, viz: 

"No petition, memorial, resolution, or ctther paper, praying the aboli- 
tion of slavery in the District of Columbia, «r any State or Territory, or 
the slave trade between the States or Territories of the United States, in 
which it now exists, shall be received by this House, or entertained in any 
way whatever." 

Mr. Houston moved the previous question, when Mr. Hcnly moved to 
lay the whole subject on the table, which passed in the negative — Adams 



22 

and Garretl Davis voting against laying the whole subject on tiie table. 
The Journals show many other votes of Mr. Davis, than those I have 
extracted, of the same tendency as those exhibited, all showing that from 
the year 1840, or the time of the wedding between whigery and abolition, 
that he lia? been artfully and efficiently aiding Adams to destroy the 21st 
rule, and advance the operations of the abolitionists against the slave prop. 
erty of the planting Slates. But this address is already drawn out to too 
great a length, by extracts of the gentleman's co-eff'orts with his friend and 
file-leadei, John Q. Adams, against the South in general, and Kentucky 
in particular; and if I have not given evidence sufficient to extort from his 
partisans an acknowledgement of his guilt, they will, not believe, though 
one should rise from the dead to testify against him. Yet, I hope that all 
of those heretofore deceived into a support of .Mr. Davis, are now satis- 
fied of his unfitness to represent Kentucky, and will so vote. 

R W 



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